Tuesday, June 11, 2013

W5: Real-Time Diplomacy Challenges (And Benefits)


Ironically, as I was getting ready to write my response to the second question this week, I came across the following article in the Huffington Post Blog that very clearly summarizes all of the issues and challenges with the rise of digital diplomacy and social media discussed in the readings this week: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/andreas-sandre/fast-diplomacy_b_3416330.html.  Mr. Sandre, a Press and Public Affairs Officer at the Embassy of Italy in Washington, states that social media and digital diplomacy are causing a transformation very fast and affecting “the very DNA of how governments interact with each other and their publics.”  He quotes Secretary of State John Kerry, who wrote recently that “everybody sees change now. With social media, when you say something to one person, a thousand people hear it.”  This, I think many would argue, is one of the benefits of the rise of digital diplomacy – the opportunity to have a message reach many more people in much less time (which, for example, would change historic incidents like the long journey of Paul Revere to let his fellow Americans know that ‘the British are coming’ and allow that message to be sent in a much easier, quicker way).  But Mr. Sandre and others have noted that at the same time, “because social media exponentially multiplies a message and its reach, mistakes often occur in sudden and unexpected fashion.”

To focus more on the challenges than the opportunities and benefits at this point, it is important to point out that making quick decisions in foreign policy is absolutely not ideal.  Perhaps governments should be getting involved in issues that “go viral” on the Internet, so to speak, but this also complicates policies by having the media force world leaders to address a particular death or particular release of information.  When that happens, other work and diplomacy goals get set aside in order to deal with the more pressing issue at hand, according to a certain portion of the public on a particular digital forum.  And yet, as I write this, and think back to an Economist quote that Seib discussed, “the Internet is making news more participatory, social, diverse and partisan, reviving the discursive ethos of the era before mass media” (46).  At least in any democracy, shouldn’t you want more citizens involved in the goings-on in the world, offering up opinions so that elected representatives can more effectively govern on behalf of those people?

One major issue though, is the nature of social media as an individual, personal, and fast sort of communication.  This does not necessarily work well with the bureaucracy of governments, who need to have all communications vetted.  Hanson’s article pointed to this as well, citing an example from the US Embassy in Cairo, who posted a statement on Twitter in an “effort to defuse escalating tensions,” but had an administration official disown the initial statement shortly thereafter, explaining that it was “not cleared by Washington and does not reflect the views of the United States government” (13).  If every Embassy representative has to get their live communications cleared by Washington, at a time of crisis in-country that their public diplomacy efforts (through social media outlets) are aiming to control, this creates an extraordinary challenge for public diplomacy in the digital sphere. 

One of my favorite sections comes from Seib’s example of George Kennan, who observed that diplomats-then were “men so measured and prudent in their judgment of others, so careful to reserve that judgment until they felt they had the facts, [and] so well aware of the danger of inadequate evidence and hasty conclusion…”(71).  Nowadays, taking one’s time with the vast majority of issues is no longer as possible with the “pressures to move quickly, acknowledging, if not matching, the pace set by communication technologies that deliver information” (86).  Many of the authors this week discussed the State Department’s (and other organizations’) specific departments with employees intended to scour the Internet and other communication outlets in an effort to be better aware of and manage the saturated information environment.  I agree, however, with Seib in that diplomats and government officials in general “must [sometimes] push back against media-driven public expectations that all problems can be resolved at the same high speed with which information is provided” (86).  One thing is certain.  As diplomats continue to do their work and strategize, the role of the public has been allowed to expand through real-time media outlets, and diplomats therefore must bring the public into their work, making "public diplomacy" more important than ever.

2 comments:

  1. Of course, with this week's theme being such a "hot topic," I've found yet another article by Jo Biddle of AFP that is discussing this week's exact conundrum of real-time diplomacy challenges. Here's the best quote that very much summarizes the issue in my mind:

    "Time can be the enemy," said David Darg, co-founder of the new social news platform RYOT.org, and a long-time filmmaker.
    "In diplomatic circles, if there's a crisis happening how quickly do you get a message out to assure people what's happening, while at the same time making sure that your information is correct and what you're tweeting is correct."

    The link to this article, in case you're interested in reading more, is: http://au.news.yahoo.com/technology/news/article/-/17615377/dangers-and-delights-of-digital-diplomacy/

    It also begs the question of secrecy, which shouldn't necessarily be a main part of public diplomacy, but inevitably is. For example, in crafting a PD program, there are obviously certain goals behind it that aren't expressed aloud. Our group is seeing that even now as we're working on our group paper on a PD proposal. This is why very often, no matter which country is performing public diplomacy, it gets a bad reputation for being propaganda. That said, such programs and events can do a lot of good in-country, and the underlying goals and measurements of the program are not necessarily (or even at all) coming from bad intentions.

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  2. To me, the frequency of the types of articles Kim found highlights how little we still know about using social media as a tool not just in diplomacy, but in any sector. In the article she found appears the line "But is the rapidity of the process cheapening diplomacy, transforming it into what I would call 'fast diplomacy'?" which I found resonating for a number of reasons. Social media to me appears to be cheapening all things it touches in any arena by emphasizing speed and shallowness over thought and depth. This is seen in the media writ large (including traditional media) on a near daily basis where being the first to report a story (usually "broken" first on twitter) is more important than getting the story right. Rarely are there any consequences on this behavior. The difference between the media and the government is that the government is often put into a virtual no win situation when it comes to the response of an event. The potential outcomes are often between the government responding too slowly or responding too quickly with the wrong strategy. Social media exacerbates this no win situation because everyone in the world is watching, and anyone with even a semblance of representing the US point of view can have far more of an unintended impact then every before. In a profession like diplomacy where every word can be critical when trying to communicate with a person from a completely different culture, it's disheartening to see everything whittled down to 140 characters.

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